Developing a Unified View of Education: the rise of the Assessed since the 1930s

Working papers from our ECER symposium, Developing a Unified View of Education: the rise of the Assessed since the 1930s, now available here.

Intelligence and knowledge is genuinely invisible. It has to be withdrawn from the inside of our heads with help from external measurements using questions, such as an IQ test, and translated into a calculable form. We then have to interpret these figures and numbers to be able to decide the reasonable level of action on these measurements. This process of making intelligence and knowledge valid is the same no matter if we are dealing with traditional IQ-testing, contemporary knowledge assessments or neuro physiological brain scanning. (Messick 1980, 1989, Porter 1996, Wiliam 2009).

The symposium Developing a Unified View of Education: the rise of the Assessed since the 1930s is based on current research from the project ‘From Paris to Pisa: Governing Education by Comparison 1867-2015’, funded by the Swedish Research Council (www.paristopisa.com). The project is organized around four different periods of which this symposium deals with our third phase: the beginnings and history of the development of education statistics in post-war Europe. A major focus of this part of the study is the investigation of actors and networks establishing a unifying and unified view of education as a policy field in Europe. Here the transition from individual intelligence testing to large scale knowledge assessments becomes essential.

For the group of testers to be perceived as viable, the public needed to understand that the test measurements were valid and useful. Academic credentials alone were insufficient, as educational practitioners, by tradition, had enjoyed considerable autonomy in determining which characteristics would count toward being considered an educable child (Kamin 1974; Danziger 1990; Lundahl 2006). Therefore, we observe that validity and usefulness can be thought of as acts of calibrating the public eye to enable it to see, in this case, the world as seen by testing proponents (Landahl & Lundahl 2013). In many European countries, acts of calibration become visible in the turn educational testing took between 1910 and 1960. Here educational policy and research played an ambivalent role as testing proponents on one side, but also adherent to the needs of education on the other side. We can see how new discursive coalitions appear during this period as a consequence of making the psychometrical language and logic more prevalent in the educational field and thus, for example, providing scholars with places, spaces and funds for their research (Wittrock, Wagner et al. 1991; Ludvigsen, Lundahl & Ydéssen 2013). In this symposium we focus on two forms of calibrations that took part during the 1930s to the 1960s. The first one educates teachers in the principles of IQ testing, making possible a transition from psychometrical expertise to educational expertise. The second form of calibration concerns the transition from intelligence testing to knowledge assessments. This transition is basically about the first attempt to conduct curriculum valid assessments.

References
Ludvigsen, K., Lundahl, C. & Ydesén, C. (2013): Creating an Educational Testing Profession in Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, 1910-1960. European Educational Research Journal, 12(1), 120 – 138.
Lundahl, C. (2006): Viljan att veta vad andra vet. Kunskapsbedömning i tidigmodern, modern och senmodern skola. Arbetsliv i omvandling 2006:8. Akademisk avhandling vid Uppsala universitet. Stockholm: Arbetslivsinstitutet.
Landahl, J. & Lundahl, C. (2013): (Mis)trust in numbers. Stuggling with transparency. In Lawn, M. (ed): The Rise of Data in Education Systems. Oxford: Symposion Books. s. 57 – 78
Messick, S. (1980): Test Validity and the Ethics of Assessment. I American Psychologist, vol. 35, No 11, pp. 1012–1027.
Messick, S. (1989): Validity. In R. L. Linn (ed.): Educational Measurement. Third edition 1993. Phoenix: The Oryx Press. Pp. 13–103.
Latour, Bruno (1987) Science in Action: How to Follow Scientists and Engineers Through Society (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press).
Porter, T. M. (1996). Trust in numbers: The pursuit of objectivity in science and public life. Princeton University Press.
Wagner, P. & Wittrock, B. (1991): States, Institutions, and Discourses: A Comparative Perspective on the Structuration of the Social Sciences. In P. Wagner, B. Wittrock & R. Whitley. Discourses on Society. The Shaping of the Social Science Disciplines. Dordrecht, Boston, London: Kluwer Academinc Publishers.

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The Comparative and the Transnational – diversity and similarities in the study of comparative governance

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Introduction
The contemporary situation in which comparison is energized by speed, technology and data and applied to, and reorders the governing of education, is regarded by scholars and practitioners alike as new. It is not. Comparison is a tool used within governance, in diverse ways and with different intensities, over time, to shape education systems. Our project has a focus on the ways in which the cross border governing processes of education have used comparison, and it uses the case of Swedish education [its governing actors, elites and practitioners]. Our interest in how to study cross border comparisons is reflected in this short review of the concerns and methods of comparative education [the disciplinary activity] and transnational histories. Both have an interest in the history of nation state developments and cross national influences, but they appear to vary in the scope and methods of their work.

From ‘Paris to PISA’ is a research project focused upon the contrasts and judgments that state actors or researchers develop in the field of education for the purposes of governing. The project introduces the idea of comparison in the act of governing education systems, that is, in changing, innovating and understanding national systems, through the use of information drawn from other places or systems. This information may be derived from special events, like exhibitions or study tours, and from publications and research centre reports. A still dominant view of education systems is that they change from within national discourses, borders and traditions. This may well be true but it may also be a construction in which the cross-border, the foreign, the object or the data might have been deliberately excluded or unwittingly ignored. Reintroducing the idea of the ‘outside influence’ is not a way of creating a new dominant view but creating a complex and detailed set of instances in which judgments and data have been influential or excluded from national cases of governing education. Historians have tended to overlook the significance of cross-border movements in explaining the ways in which education systems change while evidence from political science research suggests that, not only at the present time but also historically, learning from and with others is one of the primary tools in the policy making assemblage.

Sweden, as a self consciously modern state, has always been in a fluid space of comparison, engaged in both internal and external arrangements and policy learning. The project uses Sweden as an exemplar to investigate the ways in which national systems and their innovations were influenced, constructed and traded through the use of comparison: and how the practice of governing comparisons developed over time transnationally, internationally and in European contexts.

Comparative and policy studies in education have used borrowing, lending and transnational flows as useful concepts in explaining education reform (Steiner-Khamsi & Stolpe 2006). The transfer of educational practices and objects involves adaptation and translation and is done in the context of specific interests and power relations (Steiner-Khamsi 2009). The application of similar perspectives for the analysis of the Swedish educational history is rare (Lundahl 2008, Lundahl & Waldow 2009). Systematic analyses of the interplay between Sweden and the international are still very much an open field. We argue that socio-historical analysis can contribute to a more complex understanding of the formation of national and international policy as an interdependent process. To conclude, transnational histories have revealed the importance of international policy and research communities working in education, and their rich intertwined influence on the construction of national policies and practices, the movement of pedagogic objects and routines, and their role in international organizations.

Comparative Education
The traditional emphasis, and a foundational concern of comparative education has turned around the importance of single country case studies and cross national comparisons [Silova 2009). The “dominant unit of analysis since the emergence of the field as a distinct domain of inquiry” (Silova 2008, p. 305, quoting Bray), has been the single country and the nation state, as expressed in the work of early practitioners of the field (Sadler, 1900, Monroe, Kandel, 1933a). The focus on the single country included Kandel’s ideas on the relation between the history of the country and the history of education, and with Sadler, the idea that the whole culture of the country, rather than simply its educational structures, mattered. Kandel’s idea that comparative education would be the “continuation of the study of the history of education into the present” (1933b,p. xix) would need revision today as history of education has had to deal with the arrival of transnational history. However, Cowen has argued that what preceded the category of nation was an issue or a ‘factor’ (race, language, religion and so on) as units of comparative analysis. The comparative educationists, formed in the interwar period, took as their agenda the major historical and contemporary changes of ‘their’ world [Cowen 1996 p154). It is this sense of context which was applied to the country or site

Traditionally comparative educationists like Michael Sadler have tried to understand educational systems by trying to understand the political, economic and social contexts that have surrounded them. Educational sites can perhaps be read as distillations of crucial political and economic messages, including the redefinitions of the past and the visions of the future. [Cowen p341]

Of course, this sense of context was seen as necessary in the extraction of value for the comparativist which could be used elsewhere: comparison produced ‘things’ of transferable value

It has been argued that a shift from the scholarly contrasting and comparing of
different national systems of education has been under pressure from the rise of ‘international education’ [Anweiler 1977]. International education, according to Anweiler, has focused on a heightened [in relation to comparative education] concern with, and deliberate effort toward, to educational change across borders, systematizing national actions by learning, borrowing, influencing and responding to ideas and practices from outside its borders. At different times, imitation and transfer, informal exchange of information, and the growth of international planning have taken place in the 20thC, first within the context of a limited imperial and industrial competition and then widened into a dominant mode of governing education. Competition and reform have been institutionalized through international bodies, like the OECD, and UNESCO, World Bank and the IEA. The relation between national school reform projects and international comparisons, policy statements and expert exchanges is complex today but it has a history.

The scale of International education and the agencies which foster it, may have heightened, organized and promoted transfer within a competition based international system, and the application of large scale comparative education programmes led to the need for understanding large scale effects and problems. For example, the idea of ‘transitologies’, or the major reconstruction of failing states in which education has to carry the heavy burden of symbolic and practical assistance (Cowen 2000 p338] is an unknown problematic for the Swedish project, although it suggests a scale we haven’t imagined in our study of flows and influences.

Transnational Histories
Historians have generally built their work upon that of previous generations, and using their key ‘framework of analysis’, the nation-state. [Iriye 2013 p2]. The focus was on how the state emerged and developed – a ‘nation-centred understanding’ of modern history. The move to social history only strengthened the nation centred approach, although it emphasised marginality, popular culture, and a wider range of subjects. However, the production of new categories, drawn from the social and the cultural, moved the older narrow category of nation state, defined as a political entity, into relations with expert and cultural communities. The idea that the nation state couldn’t be understood except as situated within movements in world history, gradually required linkages with scholarship in the economic, trade, financial, and diplomatic areas. It remained intact as a key unit of analysis though. In recent times, the growth of multinational companies, alongside international agencies, and organizations working across borders, have limited the emphasis on the nation state, with its borders, histories and concerns. It has not removed it as its people, funding, and concerns can be expressed in particular ways and contexts, within the developing histories of the transnational.

Of central importance to transnational histories is

The intricate interrelationship between nations and transnational existences, between national preoccupations and transnational agendas, or between national interests and transnational concerns [Iriye 2013 p15]

This works its way out in the focus on

cross national connections, whether through individuals, non-national identities, and non-state actors, or in terms of objectives shared by people and communities regardless of their nationality. [Iriye 2013 p15]

Periodization, and especially the notions about early or late Modernity, makes imperfect sense within this conception of transnationalism. Following the transnational movements of ideas, practices, objects and people means that they have to be studied within a de-centred context. Understanding the elements of movement is the key.

In our project, we are working with a transnational history approach: that is, we are following non-government actors, working scientifically and entrepreneurially, whose work and influence is often produced in a national context, sometimes supported by government actors and interests, but which is constantly recreated in transnational contexts. One of the consequences of this approach is that we view human and material interaction as producing mix, blend and hybridity in the diverse forms of ‘migrations, cultural transfers and interchanges’ they engage in [Iriye p78]. Naturally therefore it is the ‘spaces between’ which are illuminated as much as the ‘places’ of production or event –

It is an approach that focuses on relations and formations, circulations and connections, between, across and through these units, and how they have been made, not made or unmade. [Saunier p2]

Bearing in mind our interest is in comparative governance, the value of a transnational history approach is its focus on the complex ways in which ideas and practices flow across the spaces of interaction, leading to a series of iterations, in this case, about the flows of Swedish practices in education, to and fro, and their consequent effects.

Saunier has summarized this approach in the following way

First is the historicization of contacts between communities, polities and societies. Here the goal is to study how the exchanges and interactions waxed and waned, to appraise the changing the levels of exchange, integration and disintegration between the territorialized basic units of historical understanding [countries, regions, continents]; and empirical answer to the questions of what is, and when was globalization.

Secondly, the transnational perspective acknowledges and assesses foreign contributions to the design, discussion and implementation of domestic features within communities, polities and societies; and, vice versa the projection of domestic features into the foreign. The purpose is to thicken our understanding of self-contained entities like nations, regions, civilizations, cities, professional groups, and religious communities by shedding light on their composite material.

Thirdly, transnational history deal with trends, patterns, organizations and individuals that have been living between and through these self contained entities that we use as units of historical research. Here we have an opportunity to recover the history of projects, individuals, groups, activities processes and institutions that have often been invisible or at best peripheral to historians because they thrived in between, across and through polities and societies. [Saunier p3]

So, it is with the entity, and in this case, we start with Sweden, the wax and wane of its influence and connections, the hybrid and composite in its construction and governance, and the complexity of these processes, over time.

The range of conceptual tools which we can use include the following – firstly, the connectors, the intermediaries and brokers who have operated as agents or elite members or experts, and yet have been seen as peripheral or incidental, or even invisible in histories. These actors work with texts and guides, and create regulations and standards, all items which structure mobility and interconnect. Connectors and their linkages might be weak or strong, and with fixity or a passing touch, and may terminate as much as maintain [Saunier p34].

They enter or create situations where they can act as go-betweens, they use certain mechanisms and tools to accomplish their connecting performance, they are active in one region, or one moment, and not in another, they make ties and unmake them” [Saunier p57)

Secondly, the situations that ‘connectors’ work across may vary from major events, like exhibitions; major research projects; and informal meetings. Travel and its problems are the basis of their work, and inquiry, conversation and analysis are its fundamentals. Part of that work is about comparison.

Thirdly, they travel and leave a trace, and sometimes, assemble in or create circuits. They meet, correspond, publish, translate, convene and generally produce circulations.

It is the dissection of circuits that makes it possible to restore the agency of those who lived in-between and through polities, to circumvent loose arguments about the ‘influence’ of the foreign in the domestic and to dissect the actual operation of integration and disintegration processes [Saunier p46]

Fourthly, objects may ease circulation and strengthen trace. It is not just human actors that are at the heart of the transnational, but material objects – pedagogy, method, key texts – which have a power and influence at some distance from their origins and context. Objects help to produce shared landscapes and common identities [Saunier pp47-49].

Lastly, while connections may materialise into systems, they exist within emerging global communications and transport systems, which allow interdependence and sustain the impact of events into major effects.

The Swedish Project
As has been noted, this project is researching into the ways that influences flow across the spaces between places, and ideas and practices move between site and actors. It is attentive to the ways, the serendipity, the planning and the deliberation that create changes in the governing of education systems, from pedagogical innovation to research data, and in the temporality of these effects.
The project recognises that hybridity and re-composition could be significant features of the governing of education in diverse times and places. It is not intending, in the use of Sweden as a core element, to act as an amplifier of myths or a critic of failure, nor as the examiner and agent of value, but as the curious scholar of the relation between governing and comparison.

The relation between the project and the field of comparative education is shaded and ambiguous. It may be that the core ideas of Cowen 2006 , and the use of transfer, translation and transformation will be helpful in determining movements and flows at this level of analysis. However it is not clear that all talk of comparison either creates or obscures commonalities of approach and purpose.

Martin Lawn

 

References
Anweiler, O Comparative Education and the Internationalization of Education Comparative Education, Vol. 13, No. 2, Special Issue: Comparative Education, Its Present State and Future Prospects (Jun., 1977), pp. 109-114

Bray, M. (2008). The WCCES and intercultural dialogue: historical perspectives and continuing challenges. International Review of Education, 54, 299–317

Butts, Freeman, R. (1969) America’s role in international education: a perspective on thirty years, The United States and International Education (The 68th Yearbook of the National Society for the Study of Education), p. 9, Chicago.] p110

Cowen, R Last Past the Post: Comparative Education, Modernity and Perhaps Post-Modernity Comparative Education, Vol. 32, No. 2, Special Number (18): Comparative Education and Post-Modernity (Jun., 1996), pp. 151-170

Cowen, R Comparing Futures or Comparing Pasts? Comparative Education, Vol. 36, No. 3, Special Number (23): Comparative Education for the Twenty-First Century (Aug., 2000), pp. 333-342

Cowen, R. (2006). Acting comparatively upon the educational world: Puzzles and possibilities. Oxford Review of Education, 32(5), 561–573.

Iriye, Akira [2013] Global and Transnational History: The Past, Present and Future Palgrave Macmillan, NY

Kandel, I. (1933a). Studies in comparative education. London: George G. Harrap.

Kandel, I. (1933b). Comparative education. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

Lundahl, C. (2008) Inter/national assessments as national curriculum: the case of Sweden. In Martin Lawn (ed): An Atlantic Crossing? The work of the International Examination Inquiry, its researchers, methods and influence. Oxford: Symposium Books. S. 157-180

Lundahl, C. & Waldow, F. (2009) Standardisation and ”quick languages”: The shape-shifting of standardised measurement of pupil achievement in Sweden and Germany. Journal of Comparative Education, vol 45, no 3, pp 365-385.

Saunier, P-Y [2013] Transnational history Palgrave Macmillan

Silova, I (2009) The Changing Frontiers of Comparative Education,
European Education, 41:1, 17-31,

Sadler, M (1900). How far can we learn anything of practical value from the study of foreign systems of education? in
Bereday,G Sir Michael Sadler’s “Study of Foreign Systems of Education”
Comparative Education Review Vol. 7, No. 3 (Feb., 1964), pp. 307-314

Steiner-Khamsi, G., & Stolpe, I. (2006) Educational import: Local encounters with global forces in Mongolia. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

Steiner-Khamsi, G. (2009). ‘Transferring education, displacing reforms’, in Discourse Formation in Comparative Education, ed. Jürgen Schriewer (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2009).

The Good Student: Comparative Governance and Exhibitions

Exhibitions were hubs for passing and exchanging innovations in education, just as much as in industrial and commercial areas. Ideas, inscribed in texts and objects, were bought from exhibitors or given as gifts by countries. State representatives and agents were given the mission of searching out artefacts or objects which could help their countries progress. In effect, exhibitions were sites of hunting expeditions. Sadler, in 1902, saw exhibitions as ‘great national advertisements’, and combined with their attached congresses, they acted with ‘great intellectual significance’.

In this heightened and deliberate sense of exhibitions as sites of innovation, they could act over time, to shape the state’s sense of identity and managed entry into a world space of modern nations. Countries produced, edited, honed and selected their entries in knowing competition with other states and in a determination to be recognized as modern. For example, from their first entry in 1872, Japan carefully investigated European products and materials [the Japanese government Report on the 1873 Vienna Exhibition comprised 96 volumes]. The Exhibition Bureau in Japan produced ideal design plans to aid the exhibition of its products, and inspected workshops, and in time this created a centralized control of manufacturing. At the Centennial Exhibition in Philadelphia, Japan used an American agent who collected “educational appliances, specimens illustrating natural history, art and manufacture of Western countries as well as educational literature. Murray acquired these objects through purchase, donation, and exchange” [Dittrich p156]. Each object bought or exchanged by countries became an object lesson, in the Pestalozzian sense, to be closely observed and often replicated. Educational Museums were developed as a direct result of the accumulation of objects, and the innovative future they represented. The governing of education systems was shaped by the objects and texts produced for the Exhibitions or brought back from them, and the act of comparison. In 1893, Waterman emphasised the value of exhibitions for comparison, not only for Japan but all exhibiting countries

In the jury reports for the Exhibition of 1862, occurs the following statement: “The great utility of an educational collection consists in the opportunities it affords for comparison, and the classification most to be desired in such a collection is not a geographical one, but one of objects.”…….. Without these international exhibitions the majority of educators would therefore be unable to make a comparative study of educational systems. It has been of the greatest value to them that in the last thirty years there have been a series of exhibitions which have brought together the educational methods, materials, and works from all parts of the world, and that each has more reached the ideal arrangement, viz., the one that brings all systems together and places them side by side in a single building [Waterman 1893 p128]

Following the Great Exhibition in London in 1851, the Society of Arts collected and exhibited education materials and texts, which was later given to the Government and then to the South Kensington Museum [now the Victoria and Albert Museum], and added to the gifts and contributions offered from public and private sources. At one time, its library contained more than 36,000 volumes of educational books, and collections of models, scientific apparatus, and educational objects [including furniture], were numbered in thousands [Lawn 2009]. More books [used by Her Majesty’s School Inspectors] were added later and a reading room provided. The British Government, through its Department of Science and Art, obtained sets of objects, through ‘Gift, Loan or Purchase’ at the Paris Exhibition of 1867, which were then placed in the South Kensington Museum: Art objects for the Museum and circulation to local schools, for its building and structure division, for Education and Technical instruction, manufacturing objects and objects to be used for decoration at the Museum. In the 1880s it was decided to split the book collection and send them to the Science or Arts libraries in South Kensington museums.

A similar process followed in the USA following the Centennial Exhibition at Philadelphia in 1876.

Many of the European Governments have liberally donated their Centennial exhibits to the United States Government. For their reception, a new building on the grounds of the Smithsonian Institution has already been planned, in which one large wing is set apart for a Pedagogic Museum [Hodgins p240]

In fact, over thirty countries gave their exhibit materials to the USA, and over fifty freight wagons were sent to the Washington for the Smithsonian Provenzo p50]. Ontario produced a lot of carefully selected materials,

A comprehensive and varied collection of educational appliances, in the shape of maps, charts, globes, diagrams, models, object lessons, and a most extensive variety of school apparatus from the simplest kindergarten “gift ” or object, up to the more complicated instruments designed to illustrate the several departments of Natural Philosophy and of the Natural Sciences, etc. and, a collection of books (called the ” Teachers’ Library “), which had almost exclusive reference to the science and art of teaching, the discipline and management of schools, national education, school architecture, educational biography, the science of language, and other practical subjects, relating to the Teachers’ profession [the Education Commissioners from Japan ordered the entire collection for their Education Department] [Hodgins p28].

From the Ontario display at Philadelphia

The Botanical Charts and Botanical Cabinets prepared under the direction of this Department were considered of so much importance, that duplicate copies were purchased for Australia, Japan, and the United States.  Duplicate copies of the whole collection of Natural History Charts and Diagrams that we exhibited, including Zoology, Botany, Object Lessons, &c., were ordered from the Department for the Imperial Museum at Japan, the Japanese Education Department, and the Educational Museum at Washington. [Hodgins p31]

So, obtaining objects and texts by ‘gift, loan or purchase’ was major activity by governments engaging in industrial or commercial competition, or wishing to enter this world of modern countries. But this does not mean that these countries were always fully engaged in the business of comparative governance, making judgments about policy on the basis of cross national comparisons.

It is of interest then, following this evidence of the transnational flow of materials and their use in comparative education studies, that the British government was dilatory and sometimes unwilling to engage fully in the Exhibitions. Hodgins, who reported back to Ontario about the Vienna Exhibition of 1873 that the American Education Commissioner [Hoyt] remarked on this

“It is surprising that no effort was made by the British Government to insure a fair illustration of the means now in operation for the enlightenment of the too long neglected masses.”[Hodgins p15]

and that an Austrian specialist newspaper, the Freie Padagogischie Blatter said that the English Educational Exhibition

“is even less than unassuming, and really offers next to nothing.”[Hodgins p16]

This concern about the unwillingness of the British Government to seriously engage with the opportunities of comparison and display was to be expressed by Michael Sadler in 1904, after returning from the US and referring to the 1904 Louisiana Purchase Exhibition in St Louis, made the following points: the Americans were much more serious about the Worlds Fairs than Europe, and the St Louis would be three times the scale of Paris in 1900, that Germany would make a great effort to attend, and that the US would be offended by a poor British display [Sadler p2]. And which, despite his best efforts, it was.

But in contrast, Sweden could be a ‘good pupil’, willing to exhibit, engage and explain. At the Centennial Exhibition in Philadelphia, the Freie Blatter commended the simplicity and practical character of the Swedish schoolhouse, and says:

“The Swedish Government does more than almost any other European Government for good school-houses, especially in a sanitary point of view. The Swedish Government not only distributes plans of schoolhouses, but accompanies these by a printed pamphlet, giving numerous and valuable hints as regards the location and surroundings of the school, the quantity of space to be allowed to each scholar, the different methods of ventilation.”[Hodgins p18]

Meijerberg, who was responsible for the Swedish exhibition in Philadelphia, had a personal letter correspondence with almost 300 different persons from all over the world about objects, designs and reform in education after 1876.

After the 1871 London Exhibition, where Sweden exhibited a full scale model of the schoolhouse in its own outdoor space, the South Kensington national library bought or was given more than 600 Swedish books, maps, plans, models and globes following the schoolhouse closure. No other education display exhibition was able to match this level of success at inspiring innovation and most of it ended up in the South Kensington collection.

At its close, the Museum received several valuable examples. Among these may be specially noted the contents of a model schoolhouse exhibited by the Commissioners for Sweden. The whole of these were purchased. They comprised models of school buildings, and of gymnastic apparatus, examples of school furniture and fittings, maps, scientific apparatus, and about 600 volumes of books. The Library is now especially strong in Swedish school literature.[Catalogue 1876]

This included the following models or examples:

Model and plans for a common school; seats with desks; teacher’s desk; easel; clock; bell

A series of manuals or texts on pedagogies and subjects

Sets of Common school regulations, accounts and arrangements, and comparative texts on foreign common schools plus reports and tables from School Inspectors

Texts, Courses and models on Drawing, and music manuals,

Gymnastic and drill models, benches and texts

Pupil School works [drawing, essays etc] [Catalogue Sweden 1871]

No other country produced this volume of material in the Kensington catalogue and it reflected the investment by Sweden in schoolhouse equipment and texts, and illustrated the quality of its contents. Later in the century, the material items and the texts were placed in a separate closed collection and were available for ‘reference and inspection’ but were ‘not to be used by students as a reading library’ [Catalogue of the Education Library in the South Kensington Museum HMSO, 1893 in Stray 1990).

Michael Sadler commandeered the Education Library, with its large proportion of Swedish texts, for his Office of Special Inquiries and Reports in 1896. The 9th and last edition of the Catalogue also notes that the collection was recently given several hundred Swedish and Austrian books.

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Cunliffe Owen, British Commissioner, to the Centennial Exhibition [Sketches in Hodgins]

Dittrich, Klaus (2010) Experts going transnational: education at world exhibitions during the second half of the nineteenth century. PhD thesis, University of Portsmouth.

Hodgins, JG “Special report to the honourable the minister of education on the Ontario educational exhibit, and the educational features of the international exhibition at Philadelphia, 1876″ Ontario

Kayoko KOMATSU The Formation and Transformation of Education in Japan through Exhibitions: Focused on the Educational Museum founded in 1877

Lawn, M [2009] Sites of the Future: comparing and ordering new educational actualities pp15-30 in Modelling the Future – Exhibitions and the Materiality of Education. Oxford, Symposium Books [Comparative Histories of Education Series

Stray, C [1990] A Cellarful of Ghosts? The Educational Division of the South Kensington Museum, 1857-83 Paradigm, No. 3 (July)

Sadler, M [Aug 27th 1902] Memorandum on the St Louis Exhibition 1904 Sadler Papers MS 1314 Special Collections Leeds University Library

Waterman, R Educational Review Vol V Jan -May 1893 [New York, Henry Holt and Co]

Catalogue of the Educational Division of the South Kensington Museum (London: Spottiswoode, Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1876), vii.

Catalogue Sweden Division 2, Class 10 – Educational Works and Appliances – London [Stockholm, Norstedt 1871]

 

Martin Lawn

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Swedish Design, Soft Power and the Pedagogy of Modernism

 

The arrangement of an Exhibition is a piece of Roman statecraft [carried out] within the realm of commerce. Paulsson [Dec 1929 quoted in Pred p106]

 IKEA is soft power. It’s Swedish design, a Swedish way of thinking: pragmatic, easy going, laid-back, egalitarian like Australia. It’s very much soft power for Sweden

Swedish Ambassador, Sven-Olof Petersson {Canberra Times May 9, 2014] 

“We interpret this as a sign that we are heading in the right direction when it comes to the foreign ministry telling the story about Sweden. We all invest a lot in social media, the ministry itself, the embassies, and the foreign minister,” Mats Samuelsson. Swedish Foreign Ministry [No 6 in Monocle Soft power Index]  The Local Nov 28, 2014

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There is an important factor in the project which does not follow our clear periodization and our foreshadowed subjects of study. It is a silence but it is deafening, it is invisible but it materializes constantly. It is the way that Sweden/ Swedishness appears as a brand, as soft power, and as a projection that surrounds our subjects. In this case, it is the elements of a projection of a state and a society through its positive and innovative ‘take’ on modernity, a major 20thC feature in social and cultural policy and their commentaries.

It is necessary to illuminate this phenomenon not just in itself but because it may be a significant factor in the way that influence in other areas, like education, research and innovation, grew significantly. The relation between the national and the international, and the different forms of transnationalism, can be studied through the national practices we are studying, their movement across borders and the wide effects they produce, that is, the way they create and extend mythologies of the nation. The 20thC appears as a period when the brand of Swedishness and the Swedish state appears to be created through a series of internal and external acts, by accident or design, and develops into a form of soft power, used in statecraft and with private partners.

The paper continues the narrative about sloyd which, although it begins to decline as an international movement with its strict pedagogic order by the 1920s, continued strongly in Sweden as a distinct practice of handicraft with its own nationally important association. The association was active in supporting new national actors in modern design, indeed in the design of modernism, who produced a major national exhibition of domestic and national design in Stockholm in 1930. It was a point of sale for Swedish design, a crucial event in the production of a new Swedish identity, and influential in the pedagogy of exhibitions[1]. The idea of Sweden as a leading modernist nation, in domestic consumption, housing and culture, continued to grow in the immediate post war years and in turn, it allowed Sweden to take a dominant role in education innovation. So, comparison with Sweden would not be on the basis of particular techniques or objects but increasingly on the idea of societal innovation as a whole. Sweden consolidated its reputation as a modern, innovative education state and society and acted as a centre of attention in the post-war period for European nations in flux. By accident or design, Sweden was able to create a persuasive soft power around its modernist educational and social policies, and through this, flows of ideas and practices took place. Education practices and pedagogy are produced within bordered places but flow over borders and are assimilated into other receptive places of education, and create a cross national/ transnational series of transfers and translations. Even very distinctive and local practices are capable of dislocation and flow from the local to the regional and the international.

Design and the Stockholm Exhibition 1930

The Svenska Slöjdföreningen, also known as the Swedish Society [and now as Swedish Design] was founded in the mid 19thC as mass production threatened traditions of Swedish handicraft. The Society became a leading force in the promotion of good quality, ‘everyday products’, in the words of Gregor Paulsson, its influential director in the 1920s and 1930s. The Society was a prime mover in a series of exhibitions on design and craft from the Stockholm Exhibitions of 1851 and 1866, the Art Industry Exhibition of 1909, and the Hemutställningen 1917.The latter exhibition was intended to show the latest designs of artists and architects for contemporary mass living and it showed 23 fully furnished apartments.

The idea of providing products of good design and function at a low price [Forström p197] had been a fundamental Swedish vision since the late 19thC. Ellen Key produced a strong critique and a guide about practical and beautiful objects, which had an international impact[2], and the Svenska Slöjdföreningen organized a very popular Ideal Homes Exhibition in 1917 in Stockholm. Everyday goods needed an artistic representation, and be practical and easy to maintain. “The artists for the industry” became the objectives of the agency which the association started in 1914. Hemutställningen in 1917 was the breakthrough with hundreds of new products – everything from drinking glasses to entire rooms dedicated to the working class and lower middle class. : “What Slöjdföreningen sought [was to] provide consumers with opportunities for comparison and to stimulate critical reflections.”

Gregor Paulsson, the Director of the Svenska Slöjdföreningen and the Commissioner General of the Stockholm exhibition in1930, had worked with the Swedish exhibition in the 1925 Paris Exposition Internationale des Arts Décoratifs et Industriels Modernes, displaying mainly Art Deco influenced arts[3]. He was also an important element in the growing international impact of Swedish design, including the major Paris exhibition in 1925 at the Metropolitan in New York in 1927, in Paris in 1937, and in New York in 1939. By the time of the 1939 New York Worlds Fair, with its theme ‘Building the World of Tomorrow’, the Swedish exhibition was not as futuristic as many other exhibitors, but more ‘rooted in the present’.

“The organizers of the Swedish Pavilion sought to reveal the great social strides that the nation had made in the previous decade to secure a higher standard of living for its citizens. The production of well-designed goods had contributed enormously to that goal and the pavilion paid homage to that reality” [Ericsson et al p148]

The Swedish government made great play of the significance of the country’s indigeneous decorative arts: these were displayed throughout the pavilion, from the restaurant to the five room settings

The Stockholm Exhibition of 1930 was a national exhibition, with no international representation, but with a dual aim; to promote Swedish design internationally and to create a new internal market for aesthetically pleasing goods for mass consumption. Like the Ideal Homes Exhibition, the Stockholm exhibition was focused on the education of the public, indeed they were intended to construct a new public. Parallel to the new functional approaches to design in objects and architecture was a social modernization, in which the public would be able to view new designs and understand how they were to be used.

Commissioner Paulsson tightly managed the Exhibition which presented designs within a new ‘street’ or corso of buildings and exhibits. Visitors walked along the corso and into apartments in which objects were placed in ideal settings. It was a new and particular way to manage the new European problem of mass consumption and mass production. It stayed within the embedded concern with sloyd, now updated and rationalized into a question of appraisal and judgment. It involved appreciation and instruction. These Exhibition aims were set high. It was a key element in the construction of a new identity of the person and the nation –‘intellectually trained, morally mature’ [Pred p135 quoting Nordstom 1930]. The three storey building, Svea Rike, the Swedish Realm, concentrated on creating a new mythology of the nation by radical new technologies, photomontage and the visualization of fact, and amplified the already strong message that capital and social democracy were to be subsumed in the modernity of Sweden.

The Stockholm Exhibition is an important milestone in the creation of a powerful Swedish modernity, built out of strong commercial and state interests, which projected Sweden into a lead position in European modernity, and strongly aided the construction of a new Swedish identity as modern Europeans. Sweden had demonstrated, according to Naylor, that Sweden was the only European country capable of producing a viable form of modernity [Naylor 1990 p164]. This meant that any action by Sweden in the next decades was treated as an influential act.

Educating People’s Taste

Housing policy, family policy and the issue of material consumption were linked with the creation of taste and aesthetic judgment of the people and the modernization of society.

“It was first in 1932 that a cohesive state housing policy was established, which in turn was largely influenced by the international modernist principles for city planning and architecture. The quest, however, was not only for better housing, but also for better homes. In the late 1920s, the Social Democrats had proclaimed the intention to turn Sweden into a Folkhem − literally a People’s Home − in which all citizens were to have equal rights and equal possibilities. If society were to be turned in to a good home for everyone, it had to be reorganized in a more democratic and modern way. ….. The domestic interior – its objects, furnishing practices and its use – became an arena where the vision of the ideal society should be mirrored in the ideal home, which should be modern, tasteful and rational.”[Göransdotter, p527]

With other partners, the Swedish Society [the Svenska Slöjdföreningen] produced regular series of surveys on the household living of people, to improve their living standards.

“It was not enough to provide good dwellings and sensible furniture and objects in order to raise the standard of living in Sweden. People also seemed to need guidance and information on how to use their homes in a rational way, as the investigations showed that a majority of the families’ living conditions were either materially or aesthetically unsatisfactory” [Göransdotter p530]

People were irrational, and did not use their new homes suitably; they were judged on their inability to organize their homes properly, buy the right furniture or connect their otherwise modern and progressive lifestyle to their conventional tastes. Under the maxim ‘Better Homes – Better Society’, standards of taste and household knowledge were discussed and then taught by a new pedagogy, the study circle. Courses on the furnishing and decoration of the home could be ordered from the Swedish Society and a speaker organized. All this took place within a ‘democratic and participatory form’ and the study circles grew in number [300 in 10 years] from 1944. Good taste was not just a question of good objects, but of achieving an ideal home. Good taste could be visibly shown, and in doing so, the degree of modernity achieved [Paulsson is quoted in in 1944 as saying ’a correct quality of life’ Göransdotter p538].[3]

In a paper for the Yearbook of Education in 1955, comparativists in education were introduced to the Swedish arguments about aesthetics and function, and their development in education. Its author, Steenburgen, used the arguments of Gregor Paulssen, of whom she had been a student in Uppsala, and his promotion of the idea of beautiful, everyday products, which later metamorphosed into ‘acceptera’, a movement for modernity and functionalism[4]. She argued that aesthetic evaluation of ‘things’ can be taught, that the ‘sound and genuine’ can be shown, and that this is connected to function and not taste. This view demanded a cultural programme where things can be appraised and discussed, from the functional qualities of an object, method of production and harmonization of material and function [Steenburg p329] or what Pred called in ‘the lessons of rational consumption’ [Pred p157].

This cultural programme would connect the ‘Swedish art professors, art critics, architects, craftsmen and industrial art leaders’ with the people [Steenburg p329]. The programme, or home course, would create a home knowledge, incorporating functions, economics, sociology and psychology, specialist elements [lighting, colour, textiles and furniture] [Steenburg p331]. The Swedish Society for Industrial Design [Svenska Slöjdföreningen], the Cooperative Movement, the Broadcasting Corporation, the WEA and University Extra Mural departments were all involved in producing study circles or providing material for study. Schools, through the Art in Schools society, worked through touring exhibitions of modern art and in artistic methods [engraving etc].

“Enabling pupils to elect – when the time comes – the objects they are going to use and have around them” [Steenberg p334]

Schools were advised on the arts and crafts, and decoration of schools. The whole point was to

“share in the education of the child by showing that there are aesthetic values in our daily surroundings – values which perhaps are only too liable to get lost in a highly mechanized and over-efficient world” [Steenberg p334]

Even the housing corporations of Sweden took part in this major educational programme; they built ‘nurseries and paddling pools, set up furniture and textile shops, undertake lectures, films and exhibitions to educate the public in house management and hygiene, and organize sporting and holiday clubs in the summer resorts. [Holford p70]

As a consequence of these social and cultural innovations, and the large scale democratic, pedagogic engagement that was associated with them, Sweden’s modernity became powerfully associated with design and cultural and social policy. It was total –

“There have been few countries in recent years which achieved what Sweden has in making the public at large, and the various government agencies In particular, conscious of good design. Architecture, furniture, housing and household ware – in fact, design in all its ramifications as it affects people – have been forced towards certain high aesthetic levels or they will suffer public inattention as a consequence… This rather enviable situation has not come about overnight. It has been achieved by – and it is still progressing, for such a policy can never end – by an intelligent, far-sighted educational programme, which a group of patriotic citizens, the City of Stockholm and the Swedish crown, have undertaken to make everyday Swedish articles attractive from a design point of view. This propaganda is inculcated by the schools, the press, radio and various exhibitions.”  [Kidder Smith p87]

Inference

From the design community’s point of view, Slöjdföreningen, the problem of improving Swedish aesthetic taste and consumption became an education and research programme

“For the last twenty years or so, the planning and equipping of homes and public buildings, and the design of things in everyday use, have prompted theoretical speculations, experimentation, and practical action”. [Steenburg p329]

According to Steenburg, Slöjdföreningen had to change over time. It had begun with the aim to promote handicrafts and then the qualities of mass produced goods, but by mid century, it was promoting knowledge about modernity and design. This shift into education and research was paralleled by the growth of state inquiries into housing, everyday life and the family,

“a vast array of state commissions and inquires into the standards of housing and the practices of everyday life were initiated. As parts of these different investigations, a number of so called “surveys of dwelling habits” were undertaken by state departments, housing organizations” [Göransdotter p530]

Swedish modernity was strongly associated with learning and knowledge, and not just with objects and their relation to each other. Study circles grew with several organizing bodies and with different purposes in mid century. In 1949, there were over 17, 000 study circles organized by the WEA and Young Farmers as well as the Swedish Society’s home course circles. The powerful Cooperative Association [KF] developed Cooperative groups [based on the practice of the English Co-ops] which discussed the ideas of cooperation and the economy of production of modern objects and the problems of family costs and the Domestic Economy [Childs p 49]. They were organized within a Correspondence school so that new courses in this area could be developed and distributed easily.

The policies and practices of Swedish society and the deliberate performance of modernity, operated by voluntary organizations with state support, and its focus on education and research, created a model and a mythology out of particular social circumstances which was to become a brand, a form of soft power in which our project subjects were located and received.

 

References

Childs, Marquis W ‘Sweden – the Middle Way’ [15th Ed]  Yale University Press 1947

Ericsson, A-M, Ostergard, DE and Stritzler-Levine, N ‘The Brilliance of Swedish Glass 1918-1939: An Alliance of Art and Industry’ Yale University Press 2012

Forström, Stina ‘The Infancy of Fine Swedish Design’ pp197- 201 in kid size 1997

Göransdotter, M ‘A Home for Modern Life: Educating taste in1940s Sweden’

Conference Proceedings :Vol 02 Design Research Society 2012: Bangkok

Holford, William. ‘The Swedish Scene – an English Architect in wartime Sweden’

[Sep 1, 1943 pp 60-70 ].

Key, Ellen. ‘The Century of the Child’. New York; London, 1909.

Kidder Smith, GE ‘An American looks at Sweden’ The Architectural Review

(Sep 1, 1943) pp 87-88].

Lengborn, T ‘Ellen Key (1849-1926′) in Prospects: the quarterly review of comparative education (Paris, UNESCO: International Bureau of Education), vol. XXIII, no. 3/4, 1993, p. 825-837.

Malmsten, Carl ‘Training of the Form-Sense in the Age of Machines’ p323 – 328 Yearbook of Education 1955 Chap Sweden –

Pred, Allan (1995) ‘Recognizing European modernities : a montage of the present’ London: Routledge

Steenburg Elisa ‘Functional Aesthetics, Swedish Society of Industrial Design’ p329 – 334 Yearbook of Education 1955 Chap Sweden

Vitra ‘Kid size – the material world of childhood’ Vitra Design Museum 1997

 

[1] Ekström, Anders. “International Exhibitions and the Struggle for Cultural Hegemony.”Uppsala Newsletter 12 (Fall 1989): 6-7. This article summarizes Swedish participation in various nineteenth-century world’s fairs. Ekström discusses Swedish exhibitions in light of national consciousness, industrial development, and the establishment of cultural hegemony. Applying Antonio Gramsci’s concept of hegemony, the author argues that the Swedish exhibition at the world’s fair at Stockholm in 1897 represented a “manifestation of hegemony” which legitimized the social dominancy of industrialists.

[2] The German version of The Century of the Child had been printed in thirty-six editions by 1926. Both before and after the Second World War Ellen Key’s works received great attention in German-speaking countries. Ellen Key’s books and ideas also drew attention in several other countries. Already in 1909, The Century of the Child had been translated into nine European languages. In the United States, her ideas played an important role in the ‘Child-Study Movement’. Less known, perhaps, is the fact that Key was also discussed in the early Soviet debate on education, side by side with Dewey and Montessori. A Russian educator, K.N. Ventcel, considered The Century of the Child to be a central work in education. In Japan, the interest in Ellen Key’s ideas on education has grown strongly in recent decades. The Century of the Child was translated into Japanese in 1916, a second edition followed in 1960 and a third edition in 1970. [Lengborn 1993]

[3] Fact Sheet on Adult Education, Swedish Institute 1988. 309,000 study circles operated, sponsored by voluntary educational associations, were eligible for government subsidies: two thirds of them were on civics or aesthetics subjects.

[4] During the 1930s, Steenburgen was the editorial secretary ,”Craft and Handicraft in Sweden between 1930-1940″ collection. and was engaged as an employee in the Swedish Pavilion at the World Exhibition in Paris in 1937.

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Sweden, Sloyd and Entrepreneurial Power

This draft tries to explain how Sloyd was explained as a major innovation, how it was codified and enabled to cross borders, how it operated an international training centre, and how it was exported.

In addition, it starts the process of seeing how Sloyd was received in different places and the problems of its reception.

The international and local perceptions of Sloyd as a form of modern Swedish educational export, derived from the international exhibitions, innovation centre and publications, is discussed.

——

Sloyd in Sweden started, according to the Life of Otto Salomon [Salomon 1892a], as a movement for training in home industries and crafts. It had no direct educational significance and might vary from area to area, depending upon the purposes of their private sponsors. Salomon’s version of sloyd, on his uncle’s estate at Naas, near Gothenburg, included modern school subjects and a particular focus for boys on wood-sloyd, and for girls, on weaving and cookery. As his school turned towards producing sloyd teachers from class teachers, the widening of the curriculum necessitated an agreement with the folk high schools. This shift from a vocational to an educational purpose led to the growth of vacation courses for teachers, and further, permanent short courses. Over the course of ten years, the Naas school grew from a local vocational course of useful crafts into an educational movement, focusing on wood, and more and more attractive to teachers from abroad [1]. It is this last factor on which this note is concentrated and the question of how the ideas and practices of Sloyd travelled out of Sweden and what happened to them when they travelled.

Although located in a place, the school at Naas, Salomon’s ideas on sloyd were expressed in several ways which were intended to allow it to influence wide audiences, first in Sweden and then in Europe, and through the medium of English. Salomon was a ‘great traveller and communicator’ [Salomon 1892a p x]. He offered an account of an entirely new system of education, which, although graded and closely observed, was about values and the education of the person. His keywords were respect, independence, self-reliance, attention, a sense of form etc. These terms were used as chapter headings but then followed detailed ways in which they could be achieved. This made the works of Salomon stand out from the educational literature of the time, which concentrated on values at the expense of practical pedagogy. For the elementary teacher, often faced with very large classes and few resources, this was essential.

Salomon was a great publicist for Swedish or Naas sloyd. His lectures were written to engage with varied audiences – school teachers in different countries, the experienced Froebelian and kindergarten teacher, those who persisted with direct instruction, and systems which had been built out of ad hoc elements. His first book, Handicraft School and Elementary School, was ‘sent to a large number of supporters of handicraft teaching throughout the Nordic countries’[2] His notes on handwork books and articles appeared in his monthly newsletter [the teacher’s sheet]. His texts in newspapers and from lectures were translated into English, and sometimes into German, French, Spanish, and Russian among others. In turn, his supporters wrote their own books about Sloyd [according to Thorbjörnsson, over a hundred were produced] across Europe and South America, and hundreds of articles in magazines and newspapers as well.

Naas was also a physical meeting place for ‘leading teachers of all degrees and nationalities, for common work, and for the interchange of ideas. Professors, inspectors, secondary and elementary teachers – these meet on common ground as brethren.’ [Salomon 1892a p xi]. Every summer at Nääs, Salomon lectured in English and German to the many foreign attendees.

At the time, World Exhibitions were a major means of showing modern innovations produced nationally to a world audience. Abrahamson, his uncle, sent models, plans, tools and information about Naas to the 1876 Centennial Exhibition in Philadelphia but failed to make a big impression, unlike the full scale model of a Swedish Schoolhouse., which was very influential. Determinedly, they aimed to make a stronger impression at the World Exhibition in Paris in 1878 and Abrahamson sent a description of Nääs sloyd schools to several Swedish ambassadors in Europe and an invitation to their country’s delegate to the Nääs stand in Paris.[3] By the time of the 1900 Paris Exhibition, Hjalmar Berg, the Stockholm craft inspector [and later Director of the Swedish School Museum] and the organizer of the Swedish school exhibits in Paris
”Even during a brief stroll through the various departments, one received a strong impression of the great influence that Nääs has had on handicraft schooling. One clearly saw how even in the most diverse countries, Swedish educational sloyd has served as a paragon./…/ Sweden’s influence is most apparent in the exhibitions from Russia and Austria-Hungary, as well as from some English schools and the famous American-Swede Gustaf Larsson’s Sloyd institute in Boston. Close ties with Swedish educational sloyd could be witnessed in the Finnish and Norwegian exhibitions.” (SLUB 1901:6)[4]

Salomon often travelled beyond Sweden to discuss his ideas with leading thinkers and practitioners in Germany, Denmark, Netherlands, Italy, Austria, England and France [5]. At the same time he was building a network of sloyd converts, who treated Naas, his work and his methods as the centre of their work, and their mission. Soon it was not a question of where Salomon went or where his ideas were published or re-published in translation but what his major ‘disciples’ were writing and doing. Sluys in Belgium gave a series of lectures around the country and a report for the Belgian government, which was influential in England, France and the US. If they had attended Naas courses, there was a good chance that they would become Sloyd champions, and Thorbjörnsson mentions a range of principals and inspectors across the world in this role, sometimes working across a sequence of countries. Salomon appears to have been able to place his teachers, by request, into key positions in national systems of education, especially In South America.

One of the most effective champions was Gustaf Larsson who founded the Boston Sloyd School and in the next twenty years trained about 400 teachers. In 1888 he travelled to Boston, and with the support of the philanthropist Mrs Quincy Shaw, he started a handicraft school for children and a college, Boston Sloyd Training School, where for over twenty years he trained around 400 teachers, who then went on to teach in the Americas, and he and some students exhibited at the great World’s Columbian Exposition of 1893 in Chicago.

Reception

When sloyd travelled, and despite Salomon’s strict injunctions on what to do and why, national and local variations of sloyd were produced. However, this natural process of change and variation, would be viewed as deviations in Naas. The Danes created two rival variations and were described by Salomon as heretics [Whittaker p 90]. Goetze in Leipzig using the practices of sloyd nevertheless disagreed with the order of the work, and started his osn school, which attracted British teachers [Whittaker p 93]. A Russian variant, focused on vocationalism, was exhibited at the major Exhibitions [Vienna, Philadelphia and Paris]. In several European countries, visits to Naas were followed by local proselytising by Sloyd disciples and the creation of national associations and journals, and sometimes by new educational ordinances and the provision of grants for sloyd adoption in schools. These new variants from the Salomon model influenced each other, the Russians on the US, and the German on the British etc. and by publication and through popular newspapers and teacher journals, the different ways of doing handwork engaged with each other.

The influence of an idea or practice across borders on depends on the practice itself, and also on the perceived need or problem in the host country. Using some guides to the English elementary school curriculum, we can see the problem and the opportunity clearly. There was a tension around handwork, handicraft or manual skills, as the English 1862 Revised Code focused on key subjects, that is, reading, writing and arithmetic. Central government payments to the school depended upon tested progress in these subjects. One tension about this curriculum at the time lay in the idea of a useful education for the pupils, which was presumed to mean skills useful for manual employment, an absence from the 3Rs curriculum. It was argued that the influence of Froebel on the new kindergartens which were starting meant that the idea of activity was gaining ground in education. Also, experiments were being made in some cities, the First Report of the Royal Commission on Technical Education appeared [1882], and new grants became available, from 1884, in tool proficiency in working with wood and iron. The pressure in England to engage with Sloyd came from the vocational and employer sectors, the Department of Education was untouched by arguments about a wider curriculum, and even more by additional demands for money.

Robertson, who had major responsibilities [in agriculture] for the Dominion of Canada, reported back to the Ottawa School Board

“During the summer I had an opportunity to visit some of the primary schools in London in company with the School Board’s organizer of manual instruction. Manual training in the primary schools was begun in London about 1886. As woodwork was not then recognized by the English Education Department as a subject to be taught in Elementary Schools the School Board was unable to use public monies to maintain it. Next year a grant of one thousand pounds was obtained from the Drapers’ Company through the City and Guilds’ Institute. A Joint Committee was formed whereby the funds were administered. The manual training was found so thoroughly useful and acceptable that it was speedily extended. In 1890 woodwork was recognized by the Education Department as a school subject. The School Board was thus enabled to expend its own funds upon this branch of school work, and in the same year money was provided by Parliament for grants for it from the Imperial Exchequer, Now there are about 150 manual training centres; and as nearly as I could learn, about 50,000 boys between the ages of nine and fourteen are receiving courses of instruction in wood-work, iron-work, brass-work or leather-work in the Public Board Schools of London”.[Robertson p 13,][6]

Similarly to Sweden, the Sloyd movement benefited from gifts from private individuals in its early days

“In England and Scotland, gifts of money by private individuals and guilds enabled educational reformers to give the system a fair trial at many centres. During the decade now closing it has been taken up and extended by School Boards with the co-operation and financial support of the Department of Education”.[Robertson p25]

Sir Michael Sadler, an important observer of innovations in Europe, was conscious of the fact that it was the education professionals who were involving themselves in this Swedish innovation in education.

Naas is a good Sloyd school, and much besides. It is the meeting place of leading teachers of all degrees and all nationalities, for common work, and for the interchange of ideas. Professors, inspectors, secondary and elementary teachers, women as well as men, there meet on common ground as comrades. It fulfills, more than any other institution that could easily be named, the ideal we are aiming at in England in the Teachers’ Guild [p24 quoting Sadler][Memorandum date nk]

In his history, Birchenough stated that ‘In 1891, 145 schools were giving instruction in manual work, in 1899, there were 1587 schools, and in 1910, 4261 schools [Birchenough p315]. This rate of growth continued into the late 1930s. it would seem that sloyd appeared to be a solution to how the schools and teachers could develop the elementary school curriculum. The ideas of sloyd were related to Froebelianism but it was hampered by its own limited practices, the emphasis on hand and eye training, and the context of manual training. Manual training was usually undertaken by craftsmen in special manual instruction centres, and often viewed as a technical subject. Yet the Board of Education’s 1897 definition saw it, in the sloyd way, as a ’disciplinary exercise destined to train hand and eye to accuracy and to due appreciation of form’ [Prideaux p151].

The shortage of handwork teachers meant that the English Board of Examinations for this subject began, in 1898, to standardize the examinations and began to issue certificates for different aspects of handwork viz kindergarten work, clay modelling, cardboard work, school gardening etc [Prideaux p153]. The new Sloyd converts were often closely connected to the Froebel Society and sometimes slipped between education and technical training arguments, and even national achievements. The Froebel kindergarten was seen as an institution for manual training and training in the use of tools. Salomon was viewed as building his Sloyd ideas upon Froebel thinking. Froebel and Sloyd became caught up in England with the threat of industrial competition, modernization and national survival. Hand and eye training was associated with the new education, and in turn with a new skilled working class [Brehony passim].

Writing in the late 1930s, in his history of elementary education, Birchenough was sceptical about Sloyd and its effects, even though it combatted the un-practical character of schools. Although recognizing the Sloyd goals of dexterity, accuracy, ideas of form, and self reliance, he criticized for its creation of an artificial idea of manual work, abundance of faith in hand-eye, and obsession with technique. Most of all, he argued against its lack of pupil goals and failure to meet their desire or need for practical purpose. More forcefully, he argued that

‘a standard of manual instruction was implanted on the country which seriously hampered progress’ [Birchenough p314]

His description of manual instruction classes where a class did the same work at the same time and worked through a graded set of models and used tools in the right sequence, and without freedom and initiative, and led by a craftsman [and not teacher, the Sloyd rule] implies that in the need to provide practical handwork teaching in the elementary school, a number of differing tendencies were at work. The Sloyd movement contributed to, and was implicated in, the critical failures of the time. Failures could be caused by

“because woodwork contrasted with the country’s own handicraft traditions, because obtaining handicraft benches was costly, because material was expensive or because politicians had different ideas about schooling.”[Thorbjörnsson, p26]

Sloyd was used to change the English education system, to widen it from deskwork into manual handwork, and brought together several arguments about the elementary education system and the working class. Its high period seems to have been 1880-1910. Even when its surge was over, it had served to widen the curriculum and opened it to woodwork.

Salomon was at the very centre of a network which promoted Sloyd and without him, this very Swedish subject would have probably remained very local, or at least only shared between Sweden and Finland. Otto Salomon was very influential in the spread of the ideas and practices of educational sloyd over the world. Salomon corresponded intensively with his representatives/students in other countries. Letters were sent in both directions five or six times a year. He continuously encouraged them to summarize their experiences and problems, and to describe the teaching system in that country, etc. [Thorbjörnsson,p17]

The linking of pedagogical innovation and modern school subjects with Sweden was not the result of direct Swedish state invention or policy but of private entrepreneurs and enthusiasts who devised a programme, trained students and sold texts. Yet the home of the innovation was situated in Sweden, at Naas, and Sweden benefited by association.

References

Birchenough, C[1938 3rd Ed] History of Elementary Education in England and Wales London: University Tutorial Press

Brehony, KJ (1998) ‘Even far distant Japan’ is ‘showing an interest’: the English Froebel movement’s turn to Sloyd, History of Education: Journal of the History of Education Society, 27:3, 279-295,

Eyestone, JE The Influence of Swedish Sloyd and Its Interpreters on American Art Education Studies in Art Education, Vol. 34, No. 1 (Autumn, 1992), pp. 28-38

Hallström, J (2009) Technical knowledge in a technical society: elementary school technology education in Sweden, 1919–1928, History of Education: Journal of the History of Education Society, 38:4, 455-474,

Jamieson, WD The Journal of Education, Vol. 73, No. 6 (1816) (Feb 9, 1911), pp. 154-156

Prideaux, EBR [1914] A Survey of Eleemntary English Education London: Blackie

Salomon, O [1892b] The Teacher’s Hand-Book Of Slöjd Silver, Burdett & Co. Boston, [2013 The Toolemera Press][Authorized, Revised and Edited by an Inspector of Schools, TG Rooper]

Salomon, O [1892a] The Theory of Educational Sloyd London: Philip and Sons 43:1, 31-49,

Icelandic students in Nordic Sloyd, History of Education: Journal of the History of Education Society,

Thorsteinsson, G & Ólafsson, B (2014) Otto Salomon in Nääs and his first Memorandum on Manual Training for boys in Primary Schools in foreign countries, by M. P .Sadler, Director of Special Enquiries and Reports to the Committee of Council on Education England.

Robertson, JW [1899] Manual Training in Public Schools The Macdonald Sloyd School Fund , Ottawa, I899.

Thorbjörnsson, H Swedish educational sloyd – an international success pp10-33 Tidskrift för lärarutbildning och forskning nr 2–3 2006 årgång 13

Vaningen Note

 

[1] According to Thorbjörnsson, 1500 foreign participants attended the summer school in Naas, and from 40 countries [p15]

[2] Thorbjörnsson

[3] Thorbjörnsson

[4] Thorbjörnsson

[5] Thorbjörnsson

[6] Otto Salomon, ‘Manual training’. An Address to the National Union of Teachers, London, 1890, ‘Manual training: Evolution, Not Revolution’. Address to the National Union of Teachers, London.

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A visit at the Swedish Education Exhibition at the World’s fair in Saint Louis 1904

All the awards Sweden received at international exhibitions 100 years ago makes a sharp contrast to the present image of Swedish education as a system in severe crisis. One of the more successful exhibitions in this regard was the exhibition at St. Louis 1904 (pic 1).

pic1Pic 1. Prizes awarded to the Swedish school exhibition in various categories. Picture from The Swedish School museum archive, Nordiska museets arkiv.

Normally education was a minor part of the international World’s fairs. Sweden though had made an effort in presenting its education system in an ambitious way already in London 1862, Paris 1867, London 1871, Vienna 1873 and Philadelphia 1876 (Lundahl & Lawn 2014). In St. Louis 1904 even greater effort was put in since the Swedish government decided to prioritise its display on education. For this investment the Swedish Department of education (Ecklesiastikdepartementet) received both Grand prizes and Gold medals (pic 1).

If we magnify the signs directly to the left after entering the Swedish pavilion, we see that they read Common schools (pic 2). Clearly education had a central place, directly at the entrance to the Swedish exhibition. A sign of pried one can imagine.

pic2Pic 2. Entrance to the Swedish pavilion. Picture from The Swedish School museum archive, Nordiska museets arkiv.

So, what was Sweden so proud of when it came to education? If we look closely at the plan for the Swedish display we see that it very much comprehend the various forms of education in Sweden: dark blue large area – boys primary school; dark blue small area – girls education; yellow – grammar and secondary school; purple – evening schools, vocational schools, adult education (pic 3). The exhibition also seems to display a model of inclusion of the outskirts of the educational landscape into a comprehensive structure (linking adult education, education in arts, sloyd and drill etc. to a more modern notion of education). The exclusive grammar- and upper secondary education is just a minor part of this exhibition, displayed in the back of the room. The prestigious Boarding school Lundsberg only received a Bronze medal for its part in the exhibition (pic 1).

pic3Pic 3. Plan of the Swedish display on education. Colourmarks added here. Picture from The Swedish School museum archive, Nordiska museets arkiv.

When it comes to the question of what to highlight from primary education it is interesting to see how much room is afforded to the relatively novel subjects of Sloyd (red) and Arts/drawing and gymnastics (light blue and green). There is also a room about the new subject Kitchen training (pic 7).

If we look at the primary school classroom model we get a hint that “Object teaching” is at fore, displaying various maps, charts, globes and monitors with stuffed animals (pic 4). But Sweden was also awarded for its collection of educational literature in a Pedagogical library (pic 1).

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Pic 4. Model of a primary school classroom. Picture from The Swedish School museum archive, Nordiska museets arkiv.

The from an international perspective relatively unique subjects of Sloyd and Gymnastics got plenty of room, and a lot of different teaching material were displayed as well as drawings illustrating how to actually use them (pic 5 and 6).

pic5Pic 5. Sloyd. Picture from The Swedish School museum archive, Nordiska museets arkiv.

pic6Pic 6. Gymnastics, drill. Picture from The Swedish School museum archive, Nordiska museets arkiv.

Finally we also see how Sweden displayed a model of a school kitchen for the subject of Kitchen training (pic 7).

pic7Pic 7. Model of a Swedish school kitchen. Picture from The Swedish School museum archive, Nordiska museets arkiv.

We have elsewhere described these exhibitions as a national flag (Lundahl & Lawn 2014). The Swedish state funded a major investment in the Swedish exhibitions and with each exhibition, it became more sophisticated; from a collection of artefacts and a dark display to a standalone, complex full scale school. The exhibited objects change from merely books and maps to also include examples of new national pedagogical ideas (eg. Sloyd) and comprehensive descriptions of the educational system as a whole (Lundahl & Lawn 2014). The exhibition at St Luis 1904 provided a comprehensive overview of the educational system at large, but the actual space and place of the various objects at display reveal a lack of representativeness. These exhibitions were a plattform for progressive reforms – not showing or sharing what the reality looked like, but what was about to come.

Today, maybe more than ever, the international scene is an important place from where school reforms can be modelled, but in Sweden nowadays it tends to be done by telling everyone how poor the school system is and that is was better before, rather than by lifting hopes and ideas for a renewal in terms of structures, subjects and teaching.

References 

Lundahl, C. & Lawn, M. (2014): The Swedish Schoolhouse: a Case study in Transnational influences in Education at the 1870s World’s fairs. Peadagica Historica http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00309230.2014.941373

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The Beauty in PISA

Today we often use Google when we want to learn something new, for example about education. The function of Google is similar to that of World’s fairs in the late 19th century. It provides a relatively comprehensive overview of things that might interest you.

One way of getting inspired from other countries education systems in the late 19th C was to take the train to Paris or Vienna, or even take the boat to USA and visit one of the large World’s fair’s education exhibits. There it was possible to meet an excessive collection of teaching materials, and even teaching methods. The things displayed at the World’s fairs were not really representative, but carefully selected (Lundahl & Lawn 2014). If we on the other hand turn to Google and ask what present education look like we get so many answers that it is almost impossible to sort among them. One way of overviewing them is by searching a topic with Google images. Pictures can often pinpoint dominant discourses (Fairclough 1992). One interesting question then, is what does the PISA test, or rather the discourse about it, look like.

Using Google images and the search terms “Pisa test” we retrieve a collage of pictures looking like this (March 20, 2015):

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Pic 1. Google images: Pisa test

In this picture we see charts and tables illustrating comparisons on differences in outcome. We see that the people constructing these charts often want to illustrate that some outcomes are better then others – there is a slope in most of them. If we scroll among the Google images about PISA we see some variations where also the international foci becomes more prevailing (Pic 2), but we see very few examples of content, i.e. questions asked in these tests or information about test taking processes.

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Pic 2. Google images: Pisa test

In a new Phd-theses Margareta Serder (2015) for example suggests, in an analysis based on PISA documents, that low performers appear as threats to the future society, due to the risk that they would become ineffective citizens. Meanwhile, other studies assert that standardized comparison is a practice that, when frequently repeated, contributes to lower results and an increasing disillusion of low achievers. Serder proposes that PISA, rather than to be seen as a knowledge measurement, should be regarded as a knowledge actor. In other words, PISA produces another reality than it measures – while measuring. Sweden is a good example of that. When Sweden started to drop in the PISA rankings 2006, Swedish politicians proclaimed an educational crisis, even if the scores still were quite decent. This paved the way for several reforms aiming at increased testing and control, which at least haven’t solved the problem with dropping PISA-results. Today PISA is synonymous to crises in Swedish educational discourse, which becomes evident when we search Google images for ‘Sverige’ (Sweden) and ‘PISA’ (Pic 3).

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Pic 3. Google images: Sverige (Sweden) and PISA

Compared to the international images of PISA this collage illustrates that PISA in Sweden is used to illustrate a negative trend when it comes to school quality – a downfall. Why Sweden fails in PISA and what to do about it is an interesting question, but based on these images we can also raise questions of another kind: what knowledge travels, where does it go and through what media. What shapes does knowledge about education have and when does it change its shapes and for what reason? Images like the ones in Pic 1 – 3 are the perfect “quick language” (Lundahl 2008). They transfer fast, and allows for translations without a spoken word. They can be correctly understood or misunderstood, it doesn’t really matter – they can become meaningful in new ways from the perspective of the spectators. If we consider PISA as a knowledge actor it produces images and idols through which it becomes an ontological reality that reach into space and time in a similar way as the old World’s fairs did. Clearly PISA fosters winners and loser. There is only room for a few top-performing countries. Also in the old World’s fairs competition was a major reason to participate. The spectators however met all of the variation and could with their own eyes and hands try to assess the quality of the exhibition. PISA is not really open to laymen assessment in that way. We see the differences in numbers, ranking and charts but what does it mean? What do the children really know or not? Visualised with the help of Google images one kind of PISA discourse is revealed, and regardless of its meaning, as purely a representation there is a kind of beauty in PISA.

 

References 

Fairclough, N. (1992). Discourse and Social Change. Cambridge: Polity Press.

Lundahl, C. (2008): Inter/national assessments as national curriculum: the case of Sweden. Martin Lawn (ed): An Atlantic Crossing? The work of the International Examination Inquiry, its researchers, methods and influence. Oxford: Symposium Books, 157-180.

Lundahl, C. & Lawn, M. (2014): The Swedish Schoolhouse: a Case study in Transnational influences in Education at the 1870s World’s fairs. Peadagica Historica http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00309230.2014.941373

Serder, M. (2015). Möten med PISA: Kunskapsmätning som samspel mellan elever och provuppgifter i och om naturvetenskap. Diss. Studies in Educational Sciences, no 75. Högskolan i Malmö.

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